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TIME: Almanac of the 20th Century
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TIME, Almanac of the 20th Century.ISO
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1990
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90
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oct_dec
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1126104.000
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<text>
<title>
(Nov. 26, 1990) The Keating Five:You Sold Your Office
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990 Highlights
The American Economy
</history>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
Nov. 26, 1990 The Junk Mail Explosion!
</history>
<link 04678>
<link 04186>
<link 00231>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
NATION, Page 35
"You Sold Your Office"
</hdr><body>
<p>A scandalous congressional fund-raising system goes on trial
along with the Senate's Keating Five
</p>
<p> There was none of the crackling tension of Army v. McCarthy
or Iran-contra, yet last week's hearings of the Senate ethics
committee were almost as historic. Never before had five
Senators faced the judgment of their peers in such a public
tribunal. Seated at separate tables to underscore their
differing levels of involvement with indicted savings and loan
wheeler-dealer Charles Keating, the five were fighting to
regain reputations earned in a lifetime of public service. Their
common challenge, as described in the gravel tones of
committee chairman Howell Heflin of Alabama, was to erase the
perception that "your services were bought by Charles Keating,
that you were bribed, that you sold your office."
</p>
<p> Also on trial, albeit indirectly, was an election-financing
system in which Senators grovel for contributions to finance
ever more costly TV campaigns, then listen best to the wishes
of those who give the most. Anticipating the claim that each
of the five had merely taken proper steps to help a
constituent, special counsel Robert Bennett declared, "These
activities went beyond the norm of constituent service." In
helping Keating, who awaits trial for defrauding investors in
his defunct California-based Lincoln Savings & Loan and in its
parent, American Continental Corp., the Senators, Bennett
charged, had ignored the welfare of many more constituents --
including the taxpayers, who will spend some $2 billion because
of what he called "the looting of Lincoln." Keating had
contributed nearly $1.4 million to the Senators' various
campaign affiliations.
</p>
<p> Bennett made distinctions between the culpability of each
of the five. He implied that the actions of Arizona Republican
John McCain and Ohio Democrat John Glenn were not serious
enough to warrant punishment. He portrayed Michigan Democrat
Donald Riegle as deceptive and suspiciously forgetful. He laid
the heaviest blame on California Democrat Alan Cranston and
Arizona Democrat Dennis DeConcini. Cranston, who will undergo
cancer treatments this week, has announced that he will not
seek re-election. Still, Bennett did not spare any of the five
in his six-hour summation:
</p>
<p> McCain. A longtime friend and vacation companion of the S&L
boss, the Arizona Republican and his wife had frequently
traveled on Keating's company planes. McCain attended two key
meetings in 1987 with the other Senators (Riegle missed one of
them) to press their benefactor's complaints that then Federal
Home Loan Bank Board chairman Edwin Gray and the board's San
Francisco regulators were harassing Lincoln Savings. McCain
asked the White House to name a Keating crony to the board. But
McCain refused to relay a Keating-suggested compromise to the
regulators. Though seeing no improper conduct by McCain, Bennett
asked, "Why did he go to the meetings?"
</p>
<p> Glenn. The astronaut hero wrote letters at Keating's
request, seeking a delay in imposing restrictions on
investments by savings institutions. He also attended the two
meetings with the other Senators. But when he learned at the
second session that criminal charges were being considered
against Lincoln, he cut off most dealings with Keating. A
notable exception: he set up a meeting between Lincoln's chief
and then House Speaker Jim Wright. Asked Bennett: "Why?"
</p>
<p> Riegle. While claiming a foggy memory on how the meeting
with Gray came about, Riegle insisted that he had been invited
by DeConcini. Bennett said the facts were otherwise: it was
Riegle who first approached Gray about a meeting. He did so
after visiting the American Continental offices in Phoenix,
where employees donated $11,000 to his campaign at Keating's
urging.
</p>
<p> DeConcini. He was described as almost slavishly responsive
to every request from Lincoln's boss, including joining the
drive to get Gray fired and a Keating crony appointed to the
bank board. He was Keating's main spokesman at both meetings
with the other Senators and was the one who presented Keating's
compromise offer to the examiners. He also telephoned a
California state official to intercede on Lincoln's behalf.
Asked Bennett: "Why is a U.S. Senator calling a state
regulator?"
</p>
<p> Cranston. Bennett claimed that Cranston had not only
received $850,000 from Keating for voter-registration drives
but also solicited four contributions from the S&L head, often
after pleading on his behalf with regulators. Keating even
extended Cranston a $300,000 line of credit that he could have
used, but did not, in his 1986 campaign.
</p>
<p> In their opening rebuttals, the Senators, who could be
cleared by the committee or face punishment ranging from
reprimands to expulsion from the Senate, insisted that their
actions had been proper under existing rules. Riegle charged
that Bennett had omitted exonerating evidence. Glenn noted that
he had rejected a Keating fund-raising offer once he learned
that Lincoln was under criminal investigation. But it was
Cranston who offered the defense that could be most effective
with his colleagues. If what the five had done was wrong,
Cranston warned, "you better run for cover, because every
Senator has done it." If true, that was a powerful argument for
reform.
</p>
<p>By Ed Magnuson. Reported by Hays Gorey/Washington.
</p>
</body></article>
</text>